Why did the Tories win in 1983?
This piece will focus on the Thursday 9th June 1983 election. This election was
won by the Conservative Party with 339 seats, a majority of 144 seats, with
over 13 million votes casted for Margaret Thatcher’s party, and secured 42.4%
votes. Thatcher’s Conservatives gained an extra 58 seats. There was a turn out
of 72.9% and the Labour Party, under the leader Michael Foot, managed to obtain
209 seats and 8 million votes and lost 60 seats and only got 27% of all votes
cast. Although the result was disastrous for Labour, they still managed to be
the second biggest party and so formed the opposition. The third biggest party,
which obtained 7 million votes, was the coalition between the SDP and Liberal
parties only managed to get 23 seats. This landslide election allowed Thatcher
to have a stronger reign over her party and the majority of 144 seats remains
the highest Conservative win to date. Crucially, however, and as E.H.H. Green
states in his ‘Thatcher’ book, Thatcher lost a percentage of voters from 43.4%
to 42.4% - a trend that continued into the 1987 election. However, the 1983
election was a resounding success for Thatcher and the reasons as to why she
won it will now be explored.
The first
reason as to why the Conservatives won was due to first past the post. First
past the post meant that there were fewer Conservative votes needed for a
Conservative landslide. Indeed, it was due to first past the post that the
Liberals and SDP managed to get two hundred seats fewer than Labour even though
there was only a difference of a million votes between them. First past the
post always favours the winning party, and since the Conservatives won the 1979
election, they were in a strong position to win the subsequent election. It was
first past the post that cost the Liberals-SDP alliance seats as well and so
the Conservatives were not at as much a disadvantage as if they had been if
they were a new party.
The second
reason as to why the Conservatives won in 1983 was due to the split in the
Labour Party and the ultimate formation of the centre-left SDP-Liberal
alliance. Although it was deemed a threat by Conservative insiders in 1981 when
the party was at its height in terms of popularity, it failed to match the government’s
popularity when it came to the general election. There was almost double the
votes for the Conservatives than there were for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. It
would have been more of a threat to Thatcher and the Conservative Party if the
Liberal Alliance had joined Labour rather than breaking away from the party in
1981 as there then would have been a combined total of 15 million votes to
Thatcher’s 13 million. However, that was not the case, as members of the Labour
Party broke away from Michael Foot because they thought he was too left-wing.
The fact that the centre-left and left members of the electorate were divided
helped the smaller right-wing members win the election. There was no direct
right-wing competitor to the Conservative Party as there was to the Labour
Party and the SDP. Moreover, polling demonstrated that the Alliance was taking
more votes away from the Labour Party than it was from the Conservative Party.
As Charles
Moore states in his ‘Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography, Volume Two’,
‘the Conservatives were almost bound to win the general election of 1983’. He
goes onto state that ‘the Falklands effect was too strong and the Labour Party,
under the leadership of Michael Foot, too weak for any other result to be at
all likely’. This is true; however, what Moore ignores is the fact that the
Falklands effect was not the main factor when it came to people voting
Conservative. For example, voters were asked for their views on a range of
issues (as shown by Britto’s poll from June 1983), and the Conservative Party
were thought to be more strong in law and order; rising prices; controlling
trade unions and dealing with the common market. Moreover, in polling that was conducted
between the 6th and 7th May 1983 for the Conservative
Party, that was entitled ‘Summary of Main Findings of a Survey of the National
Political Mood’ stated that 93% of those who voted Conservative in the past
intended to do so again; the results for Labour and the SDLP-Liberal Alliance
were below 80% for this same question. The fact there were more loyal
supporters for the Conservative Party certainly helped them to clinch victory. Hence,
although it cannot be denied that the Falklands factor was a significant one,
it was by no means the only one and it is likely the Conservatives would have
won the 1983 election even if the invasion had not happened. In addition to
this, the economy was performing much better than how it was in 1981 and so
this would have played on people’s minds.
Moore is
correct when he talks of Foot being an incompetent leader. For example, Foot
did not reach out beyond his base and held rallies in cities which were more
likely to vote Labour (such as in Bristol) and did not try to broaden his
appeal to voters who were not Labour. Compared with the Conservative campaign,
the Labour Party campaign was hurried and quick, and speeches tended to focus
on how they opposed Thatcher rather on what they could do to solve the
country’s issues. Furthermore, the economy, which was on the forefront of most
people’s minds were not trusted with this particular Labour shadow cabinet. The
way in which the Labour Party planned for a general election was haphazard
compared with the Conservatives. Most importantly, Foot did not surround
himself with people who knew how to win an election, preferring to rely on
people such as Seamus Milne and Dennis Healy. In contrast to this, Thatcher
brought a special advisor in, Gordon Reece, in 1979, four years before the
general election, in order how to establish the Conservatives could win the
next election.
John
Campbell is another historian who stated it was certain that Thatcher would win
the next general election of 1983 due to the Falklands (in his ‘Margaret
Thatcher – From Grocer’s Daughter to Iron Lady’). However, what historians such
as Campbell and Moore ignore, is the fact that the Conservatives had been
meticulously planning for an election (although at this point they did not know
when it was going to be held) for years before it had actually happened. The
Conservative Party did not just rely on an unpopular leader (Foot) or a popular
war; they had prepared their work so Thatcher would be able to win a big
majority. They managed to consolidate their votes throughout the election
campaign; the Conservative Party managed to pick up more votes from undecided
voters than any other party. Moreover, Thatcher made herself more accessible in
the election campaign by appearing on TV and addressing a variety of people
whereas Foot stuck to his rallies. Importantly, and what Campbell and Moore
ignore, and as shown by the Margaret Thatcher Foundation, ‘the Conservatives
were wary of doing anything that might be seen to be cashing in on the war…they
deliberately left it in the background’. Hence, the Falklands War was a
significant factor as it showed that the Conservatives were tough on law and
order; however, there was not much discussion about the Falklands War (which at
this point had happened over a year ago) for the Conservatives to classify this
as a ‘war’ election. There were a variety of reasons as to why the
Conservatives won the 1983 election, with the Falklands war being a significant
factor; however, crucially, it was not the main factor. In addition to this,
David Sanders, Hugh Ward, David March and Tony Fletcher in their ‘Government
Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment’ can be agreed with as they
state the Falklands War was not the only factor. They point to the economy
doing better in 1982 being the main one. Indeed, Thatcher herself thought it
was due to economics as she wrote in her memoirs in 1993 that ‘the 1983 general
election result was the single most devastating defeat ever inflicted upon
democratic socialism in Britain’.
Importantly,
the timing of the election was also important. It is doubtful if Thatcher would
have won in 1981 (or even in 1990) because her polling figures were low. She
had better polling figures in 1983 which translated into more votes. Moreover,
the election campaign throughout May and the first week of June in 1983 was
tight. For example, she was consulted with a team each day, and the
Conservative Party did weekly internal polls to show how she was doing. None of
this occurred with the Labour Party, who were by all standards, quite
unprepared to face an election.
In
conclusion, the Conservative Party won the June 9th 1983 election
due to a variety of important factors. Timing was key; an unpopular leader
helped; and the Falklands War was a significant, but not a crucial, factor. The
1983 election helped Thatcher be more bold in her policies in the second
administration and as already mentioned, was the most decisive landslide election.
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